Seminar: Ling L: Agree(ment) via interaction and satisfaction (advanced)

The focus of this course is on the syntax of long-distance dependencies, and in particular the proposal that all such dependencies are derived via a single grammatical operation, Agree. We aim to delimit basic properties of this operation with special reference to phi-Agree, clitic doubling, and movement. Empirical phenomena of special interest involve hierarchical agreement systems, PCC effects, negative concord, mixed A/A’ phenomena, and locality effects. Throughout the course, we will explore the extent to which these phenomena are well-modeled by the interaction/satisfaction theory of Agree, which allows for probes to be specified separately for the features they copy (interaction) versus the features that make probing stop (satisfaction).